New push to get developers to pay for affordable housing

By John Dorschner
    Eight years after a similar effort failed, two Dade commissioners are mounting campaigns to require developers to help pay for desperately needed affordable housing.
    Xavier Suarez is proposing that large developers

Xavier Suarez

-- those building structures of over 100,000 square feet -- pay $7.50 per square foot into the Affordable Housing Trust Fund. The county would pony up another $50 million from its general fund.
    Barbara Jordan told a commission committee on Thursday that she's still working on her ideas. She wants to meet with developers before finalizing a plan.
    Suarez said at the Economic Prosperity Committee that he didn't want to be in competition with Jordan. "If hers is better than mine, I'll take mine off the table."
    Truly Burton, executive vice president of the Builders Association of South Florida, said developers "want to be partners with the county" in setting up plans. ... Affordable housing is very important to us. ... There is no one solution to the problem. It will take a series of adjustments all the way around."
    

Barbara Jordon

Affordable housing is clearly a huge need in Miami-Dade. Federal guidelines suggest that households should pay no more than 30 percent of income for housing. According to the Shimberg Center for Housing Studies at the University of Florida, 495,000 Miami-Dade households were paying more than that for housing in 2013.
    Bloomberg News Service has published an analysis that the 30 percent figure may be misleading -- that wealthier households could afford to pay considerably more. But in Dade, more than 250,000 pay more than 50 percent -- a huge expense -- and the Shimberg Center reports that 121,390 poorer Dade renters -- those earning less than 60 percent of average median income -- paid more than 40 precent of their income for housing in 2013, a crushing expense when basics such as food are hard to cut back on.
    At the committee meeting, Jordan pointed out that the county already has dedicated funds for affordable housing -- getting about $50 million a year through a surtax when commercial properties are sold. On Thursday, the committee unanimously passed her proposal that 30 percent of the surtax funds be set aside for those with very low income and 20 percent be used for extremely low income.
          Strong Opposition Killed 2007 Effort 
      In 2007, Jordan advocated an ordinance requiring developers to pay into a trust fund. Fierce push-back from the construction community doomed the plan. The Commission set up a fund, but made contributions voluntary. After eight years, it has $2 million.
    In a July 30 letter to Jean Monestine, chairman of the county commission, Suarez wrote that after seeing what's happening in other localities and consulting with "various stakeholders," he believes it "plausible" that Dade developers could be required to contribute to such a fund.
    Calling such a relationship between large developments and affordable housing "linkage," he wrote that there about 300 linkage ordinances in the United States. "In Florida, many jurisdictions have them, including Key West ... . The model ordinance is found in Montgomery County, Maryland," where builders of more than 20 units must set aside at least 12.5 percent of them for moderately priced rents.
    Leading new urbanists, such as Miami architects Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Andres Duany, are strong advocates of the Montgomery model, sometimes called inclusionary zoning. Among many other things, it tends to reduce traffic jams by tending to allow lower-income workers to live closer to their jobs.

Lizz Plater-Zyberk

    For new urbanists and some social activists, expanding the amount of affordable housing is a crucial issue in allowing for the poor to move out of the severely segregated areas, such as Liberty City.
    Doug Mayer, who has worked with nonprofit developers of affordable housing in Miami for many years, notes that there are already many impact fees on large developments, to help pay for schools, roads, fire protection and other infrastructure, and it makes sense that affordable housing be added as another fee.
    In his letter, Suarez noted that he wasn't calling his "linkage" an impact fee, because to do so might trigger requirements for complex data studies to justify the fees.
    Jordan's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. She told the Miami Times recently that she had looked into linkage, "but the linkage ordinance seems like a double whammy for developers,” because they already are paying a surtax.    
    At the committee meeting, she said there was a "bit of confusion" in the Miami Times story, but didn't offer details on how she plans to get developers to contribute to affordable housing.

UM's new leader already a sharp contrast to Shalala

By John Dorschner   
    In sharp contrast to his predecessor, UM's new president started his job on Sunday so quietly that, well, the major media didn't even notice.
    Only on the University of Miami's webpage did the news receive a big splash: "Julio Frenk, a physician, former dean at Harvard University, and the former minister of health for Mexico, steps into his new role today as the sixth president of the University of Miami."

Julio Frenk photo from Miami.edu

    Contrast that with the arrival of Donna Shalala in 2001. The story on the lead page of the local section of The Miami Herald was dramatic as she started the job:
    "Donna Shalala doesn't pull punches. `I am going to shake things up,'' says the University of Miami's new president."
    On this Sunday, The Herald chose to do a profile on Don Shula, who hasn't coached in decades, to lead its front page. No mention was made of Frenk's start.
    Frenk has his work cut out for him. UM, as are many private universities, is in a constant struggle to find donors, grants and research funds to keep down the ever-rising tuition fees.
    Frenk's medical background means he will be particularly knowledgeable about UM's Miller School of Medicine, which suffered through massive layoffs several years ago to correct major budget deficits. 
     Since UM purchased its own hospital across the street from Jackson Memorial, medicine has been the major source of revenue for the university -- a situation that has caused some to joke that UM is a medical school with an undergraduate program attached.
    While Shalala immediately threatened to "shake things up," Frenk sent a lengthy letter to faculty and students saying he will consider what the community needed before charging ahead:
    "As part of my first 100 days in office, I am initiating an intensive listening project, and I invite you to share with me your aspirations and hopes for the U. My first Town Hall meeting on September 10 will offer an opportunity to hear from you and to learn about the many ways in which we can build on our rich legacy to take the University of Miami to its second century. At that meeting we will define a structured process to collect, collate, and synthesize the suggestions from all members of our community."

Mixed income at Liberty Square "not realistic"

UPDATED 7/27 at 5:45 pm

By John Dorschner
    
     Hopes that a revitalized Liberty Square will include  mixed-income housing just aren't realistic, says a veteran affordable housing expert.
    "You can always do affordable housing in a low-income area," says Doug Mayer. "But are you going to entice other people to come to Liberty City" to rent market-rate apartments? "It's not very realistic."

Doug Mayer

    Mayer, president of Stone Soup Development, has long been associated with nonprofit developers of affordable housing. Earlier this year, he met several times with the Liberty Square residents' council to discuss their ideas for  Mayor Carlos Gimenez's idea for a $200-million plus redo of  Liberty Square, which currently has 700-plus units.
    The mixed-income issue is critical because many sociologists and New Urban city planners believe that segregating low-income residents in large projects is a recipe for economic failure -- with so many single mothers on welfare and children who can't see alternative ways of life around them. 
                       "HEART IN RIGHT PLACE"
    "I believe Michael's heart is in the right place," Mayer says, referring to Michael Liu, the county director of public housing who arrived in Miami last year.
     But Mayer believes that getting middle class residents to move to Liberty City is not a likely scenario.  He says: "If my mixed income the county means a mix of affordable units, that is some at 33 percent, 60 percent, 80 percent of average median income, perhaps at 120 percent of AMI, that is possible, but true market-rate units are not likely to succeed."

    At present, a county panel is evaluating the plans of six companies bidding to redo Liberty Square. "It will be very interesting to see what they come up," Mayer says.
    He believes the chances for mixed-use -- retail as well as residential -- makes sense, particularly along the well traveled streets on the edges of the project.
    Mayer thinks it would be better to set aside 150 to 200 units in the redevelopment for home ownership, which would require government subsidies, and some could use Section 8 vouchers for mortgage payments.

       These owners would likely still be low-income -- perhaps 80 percent of the poverty level -- but they would likely be persons who have jobs, albeit low-paying, and would add some economic diversity to the ultra-low-income profile of current residents, many of whom have income at 30 or 40 percent of the poverty level.
    Mayer originally pitched the county on another idea: Putting its developer's fee of 30 percent back into Liberty Square, allowing for desperately needed social services that would make the revitalized pubic housing project more than just a bunch of new buildings.
    "Unfortunately, the county decided to take the developer's fee," Mayer says.
                          LACK OF SOCIAL SERVICES
    Lack of social services is a crucial issue for Liberty Square. After the 1980 riots, state and federal commissions vowed to change the dire poverty and unemployment in the project commonly known as Pork 'n' Beans. But the latest census data shows that the poverty is still as bad as it always was.
    "I've been in Miami for over 30 years. There have been promises made every four or five years for Liberty City and Overtown," Mayer says. Sometimes the money isn't available. Other times, the money "doesn't get to the right people, or the programs don't really benefit the community."
    For the remake of Liberty Square, Mayer hopes that one of the two nonprofit bidders is selected for what the mayor calls Liberty Square Rising.
                            NONPROFITS HAVE HEART
    "I have worked for nonprofits my whole career," says Mayer, including a time with Carrfour Supportive Housing, one of the bidders. "Their heart is in the right place, especially in a project like this. ...
    "A lot of different people can put up the buildings but when the rubber hits the road," about what's best for residents, that's a different story.
    He's particularly interested in the bid of Community Housing Partners, a large Virginia nonprofit with 40 years of experience. For Liberty Square, it's partnering with local groups, including an alliance of pastors led by R. Joaquin Willis, pastor of Church of the Open Door in Liberty City.
    The nonprofits are likely to face stiff competition from two politically connected for-profit companies: RUDG, a subsidiary of the Related Group, led by the powerful Jorge Perez, and Atlantic Pacific Communities, which has taken over some properties and executives of the Carlisle Development Group, which is under federal investigation.
    For-profit companies "will do it in the most expeditious way to get their profit, but sometimes it's not the best way," Mayer says.
    He cites the remodeling of the Royalton Hotel, a 1920s structure in downtown Miami redone as affordable housing units for the elderly. The work was a partnership between the nonprofit Carrfour and the for-profit Carlisle. Carlisle was able to call the shots because it had gotten most of the funds for the work.
    "The original windows were steel casements. Carlisle's position was 'We don't have to replace the windows. We'll just put the hurricane glass inside.' Carlisle didn't care. Once it was rehabbed," it was done with the project.
    "Two years later, the windows were leaking," Mayer recalls. Carrfour had to replace them at a cost of several hundred thousand dollars.

The Bidding War Begins for Liberty Square

UPDATED 7/25 to include Edmonson connection

By John Dorschner

       Six bidders are battling it out for the $200-million-plus redo of Liberty Square:
       One has strong political connections. Another with a political connection is linked to a federal criminal investigation. And yet another has raised questions in its battle for government contracts.
        There's also a national investment company and and a couple of local nonprofits with histories of commitment to affordable housing.
    The bidding process is likely to be closely watched. 
    The officers of a major Miami affordable housing company are said to be facing indictments. The past of public housing is strewn with scandals and delays, some of them chronicled in Pulitzer-winning series House of Lies, which ran in The Herald in 2006.
     Andres Duany, an internationally known Miami architect, recently complained that in the past he has found the political maneuvering for public housing in Miami to be "disgusting."
    While much of the media attention is likely to concentrate on the political contest to win the contract, the larger issue remains whether a new development will lead to an improvement in the lives of the residents of Liberty Square.
    In 1980, the public housing project was at the heart of the McDuffie riots. Local, state and national leaders vowed then to fix the area's pervasive poverty and unemployment, but the latest census data says that the same problems still persist 35 years later.
    The companies who submitted bids by the July 9 deadline: 

    * RUDG -- The affordable housing unit of Related Group,  a big, experienced developer led by Jorge M. Perez, one of the most powerful figures in Miami-Dade politics.
    RUDG was slammed for its political connections by Miami New Times earlier this year. 
    The issue -- County Commissioner Bruno Barreiro 11persuaded his colleagues to accept a no-bid $7.6 million deal for RUDG to renovate a 34-unit building in the Shenandoah area,  New Times reported that Barreiro steered another $3 million to RUDG in a taxpayer loan that will likely be forgiven.
    Perez doesn't need the money. According to Forbes, he's worth $3.1 billion in 2015. But there's a long-standing American tendency for politicians attempting to curry favor with the wealthy and powerful.
    One example of Perez's political strength: the art world.
    While major collectors like Marty Margulies, Carlos and Rosa de la Cruz and the Rubell Family built their own art museums in Miami without government subsidies, the powerful Perez managed to get $100 million in taxpayer funds from the county and a hugely valuable bayfront park property from the city to create the Perez Art Museum Miami.
    According to the county's website, RUDG is represented by lobbyist Cristina Lumpkin.

    UPDATED SECTION
    * Atlantic Pacific Communities. It's a two-year-old subsidiary of a  fourth-generation, family-owned business.
      The subsidiary was spawned in 2013 to take over some of the assets of the Carlisle Development Group, a huge affordable housing company that came under federal investigation. Several Carlisle executives, including Chief Operating Officer Kenneth Naylor, moved to Atlantic Pacific to handle the projects.
    The county commission allowed the transfer of the county-backed projects to Atlantic Pacific with minimal discussion on the urging of Commissioner Audrey Edmonson, whom the Herald has described as the biggest benefactor of Carlisle political donations. She has been a strong supporter of Carlisle projects, many of which are in her district.
    Later, the Office of the Inspector General of Miami-Dade said it wanted to monitor the transfer of assets to make certain there were no improprieties.

    Last month, three officials of another housing company were charged with getting $7.2 million in kickbacks while partnering with Carlisle. The Herald has reported that indictments of some Carlisle executives may be coming.
    Associated Pacific spokeswoman Jessica Wade Pfeffer said the company can't make any comments because of the county-required "cone of silence" for bidders.
    Its lobbyist at the county is Roosevelt Bradley, who registered in February.
    END OF UPDATED SECTION
    
   * Centennial Management.  It's led by Lewis Swezy, no stranger to bitter housing struggles, including one against the Related Group.
    Centennial's website says the Miami Lakes company specializes in affordable housing and lists 14 properties, including a development on the site of the old Miami baseball stadium. It boasts that Swezy has over a quarter-century experience.
    Much of that was partnering with his mother, Ruby, a onetime Hialeah council woman, in Swezy Realty.
    In 1998, Herald investigative reporter Ronnie Greene questioned Ruby's and Lewis' political maneuvering in an article headlined: "A 'Comedy of Errors' delays new housing."
    In a bid to restore three dilapidated county public housing projects, the Swezys ranked third among competitors. But the Swezys hired lobbyist Rodney Barreto, who was close to Mayor Alex Penelas and they were awarded the contract.
    Related Group, one of the higher ranked firms, objected vehemently, Greene reported. "Our assumption was that this project would be awarded upon the objective criteria, not subjective criteria added after the proposal," Related complained to the county.
    Eventually, after a huge public outcry, all the bids were thrown out and the process restarted.
    In 1999, the mother-son battled in Hallandale Beach to buy a property, winning a contract 4-1 even though the agenda recommended giving the contract to another country. A Herald reporter called the switch "an amazing turn of events."
    Centennial shows no lobbyist registered with the county.        
    
    * Carrfour Supportive Housing. Its website describes it as a "nonprofit organization established in 1993 by the Homeless Committee of the Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce. Carrfour develops, operates and manages innovative housing communities for individuals and families....
    "As the leading not-for-profit provider of supportive housing in Florida, Carrfour has supplied homes for more than 10,000 formerly homeless men, women and children since its founding."
    Carrfour shows no active county lobbyist.
  
   * Community Housing Partners Corporation and Miami Waymark 2.0 Joint Venture, LLC., a Joint Venture.    Community Housing Partners, a nonprofit headquartered in Virginia, describes itself as a specialist in affordable homes working in the Southeastern United States for 40 years. It has built 5,000 multi-family housing units.
    Miami Waymark was incorporated last year. Its corporate filing states it's led by Matthew Lawrence, with offices at 6008 NW 8th Avenue, on the edge of Liberty City. 
    Lawrence is also listed as a trustee of the Church of the Open Door, which is located in the same block as Waymark's offices.
    Miami Waymark is a joint venture with Neighborhood Housing Services of South Florida, a nonprofit that works primarily with residents trying to buy their first homes and owners facing foreclosure. It is led by Arden Shank.
    None of the three entities appear to have registered county lobbyists. 

    *Miami Redevelopment Partners.  A Florida company incorporated in March, its officers match those of national developer, Gardner Capital, based in Missouri.
    Gardner's website describes as an "affordable housing developer, investor and syndicator with a historical focus on state and federal low income housing tax credits, as well as renewable energy production facilities."
    The website says Gardner has "developed, invested in and sponsored over $500 million of equity in  affordable housing units serving more than 55 communities."
    Jeffrey Kottkamp registered as a lobbyist with the county on June 30.

Leading planner: Politics to blame for Liberty City problems

By John Dorschner 
    

Andres Duany

    Andres Duany, an internationally respected urban planner and architect, blames politics for the lack of development in Liberty City.
     "Basically there are handlers of the government subsidies and they don't want anyone interfering. ... It's disgusting."
      He said a "huge mafia" works to control the government funds that finance considerable housing in Liberty City and don't want outside developers or urban planners like Duany interfering in their business.
       Duany said this some weeks ago when I asked him: Why has an area like Wynwood, longtime home to Puerto Ricans of modest income, surged with private development in recent years, while Liberty City, longtime home of poor African Americans, continues mired in poverty with too many vacant lots, boarded up store fronts and run-down buildings?
    Duany made the comment during an interview for a profile on him and his partner-wife, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, for the Biscayne Times (available HERE).
    He said it before an intense political feud erupted in the press over the $200-million redevelopment of  the 700-unit Liberty Square public housing project. The feud involves Miami Mayor Tomas Regalado, whose daughter Raquel is running for county mayor against the current county mayor, Carlos Gimenez, whose administration conceived of the elaborate remake.
    Related Group Involved
    The remake is likely to get further politicized as one of the six bidders who submitted proposals by the July 9 deadline was RUDG LLC, connected with mega-developer Related Group, led by Jorge M. Perez, a major player in local politics.
    The question of Wynwood vs. Liberty City was sparked by an observation from Joe Oglesby, former editorial page editor of The Miami Herald, when I talked to him in May, on the 35th anniversary of the McDuffie riot.

Joe Oglesby

    Oglesby observed how many areas -- including South Beach, the Design District, Coconut Grove and others -- have been transformed in the intervening decades while in many ways Liberty City is “worse today than it was before the riots in 1980.”
    Before, the area had “a fair number of middle class,” people who moved out after the riots, Oglesby said. “And the businesses are not there. There’s some economic activity – government offices, FPL’s office – but Northside Shopping Center is worse today than it was then. It’s almost a flea market. Major retailers are gone.”
    Duany is a supporter of Hope VI projects -- a New Urbanism concept started in 1992 intended to revitalize the worst public housing projects by transforming them into mixed-income spaces in which the poor would live among the middle class. More than 200 projects were completed, at an expense of more than $5 billion.
    Attacked by Left and Right
    "Hope VI was attacked from the right because it was considered too good for the poor. It was attacked by the left wing because it deconcentrated poverty, and there was a net loss of units," by having less clustering in small apartments, so instead of 1000 units, there were 600."
    Duany maintains that in many places, many of the old public housing units were empty because they were in such poor shape, but what happened in Miami was a mess of a different kind -- the redo of Scott Carver as a Hope VI project was miserably mismanaged by government officials, displacing hundreds of residents in a mire of delays lasting a dozen years -- such a disaster that The Miami Herald won a Pulitzer for it with a series called House of Lies.
    For board members of the Miami Workers Center, which advocates for the poor, Hope VI became a phrase for something that screwed the poor in the name of gentrification -- without giving them any say in how the changes were managed.
    A 2004 study of Hope VI by the Urban Institute, a lberal Washington think tank, found "some notable accomplishments" of reviving distressed public housing and served as "an incubator for innovations"  such as project financing by public-private partnerships.
    Conflict with city governments
    "Some projects have helped turn around conditions in the surrounding neighborhoods and have contributed to the revitalization of whole inner-city communities. However, HOPE VI implementation has also encountered significant challenges. Some HOPE VI projects have been stalled by ineffective implementation on the part of the housing authority or conflict with city government. In others, developments were simply rehabilitated or rebuilt in the same distressed communities, with little thought to innovative design, effective services, or neighborhood revitalization.
    "Most seriously, there is substantial evidence that the original residents of HOPE VI projects have not always benefited from redevelopment, even in some sites that were otherwise successful. This can be partly attributed to a lack of meaningful resident participation in planning and insufficient attention to relocation strategies and services."
    The new Liberty Square project is not formally a Hope VI project, but it is using many of its New Urbanism ideas -- middle class paying market rates for some units, mixed-use zoning that could include shops, perhaps even a super market.
    Michael Liu, a former Washington housing official who took over county housing last year, has been working assiduously to keep residents informed, including showing Liberty Square resident leaders similar projects, such as one in Tampa.

Why Shouldn't the Poor Live in Coral Gables?

By John Dorschner

    While the debate heats up about controlling the $200-million-plus redevelopment of Liberty Square, the politicians avoid one of the hottest questions: Why should housing for the poor be clustered in one area? 
    Some areas -- such as upscale Montgomery County, Maryland -- are requiring most new development to set aside 12.5 to 15 percent for affordable housing, spreading poorer residents around many locations.
    For the New Urbanists, such as Miami architect Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, this makes sense for many reasons:

Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk

It not only tends to promote integration of the economic classes but also can reduce traffic, since those with modest incomes might be able to live closer to work, avoiding long commutes to get to jobs in more affluent areas.
    Allowing places for the poor to live in affluent Coral Gables? Key Biscayne? On Brickell?
    "I've sat on a couple of committees that have tried to come up with inclusive zoning," said Plater-Zyberk, who was dean of the University of Miami school of architecture for 18 years. "The resistance locally is huge."
    Zyberk made the comment some weeks ago during an interview for a profile on her and her husband-partner, Andres Duany, for the Biscayne Times (available HERE).
    She said the resistance comes "mostly from the private market." Developers say, "That's a nice idea but they won't be able to afford the rent, if the poor lived with the wealthy."
    In fact, the view of the New Urbanists is that the wealthy would in effect be subsidizing housing for those less well off.  "The key is having a small amount" of affordable housing in any given neighborhood, "so there's no threat of overwhelming the neighborhood," Plater-Zyberk said.
    Such concepts might be an alternative to a place like Liberty Square, with its 700-plus housing units. In 1980, it was near the heart of the McDuffie riots that killed 18 and caused at least $100 million in property damage.
     After the riots, local, state and federal panels decried Liberty Square's intense poverty, lack of jobs and huge high school drop-out rates. They vowed to make changes. Thirty-five years later, the Census data shows that the same severe problems remain in the Liberty Square area.
    A recent Harvard study shows that when poor families are able to move to more affluent areas, their children do better in school -- and are more likely to find decent jobs as adults. Many sociologists believe that keeping the poor in public housing clusters tends to exacerbate dysfunctional trends.
    "Maybe you don't have to put affordable housing on the waterfront, where the highest prices and taxes can be had," Plater-Zyberk said, but some kind of compromises could be found to include affordable housing in zoning requirements -- if there was the political will for it.
    As it is, "we have what many cities have -- a kind of excess of wealth and an excess of modesty," Plater-Zyberk said. "It's a shame that's where it tends to be going."
    Marvin Dunn, a Miami historian and retired FIU professor, says that the central issue is not racism. He points to North Miami-Dade, where neighborhoods dominated by middle-class blacks have shown strong resistance to government attempts to build public housing projects in their areas.

From Montgomery County website

    Plater-Zyberk points to Montgomery County, an affluent suburban area in Maryland, as a model to emulate. It requires that developers of 20 or more units provide 12.5 percent to 15 percent of them for moderately priced housing.
    Even so, the Equal Rights Center, a Washington think tank, reports that the Montgomery County poor have a hard time using federally financed Section 8 vouchers to obtain affordable housing. A 2008 test found a 15 percent "discrimination rate against voucher holders in the county -- as evidenced by outright refusals to accept vouchers, limiting the use of vouchers, or imposing different terms and conditions for voucher applicants."
    Michael Liu, county director of public housing, said some weeks ago that "the jury is still out" on inclusionary zoning. "More research is needed."
   

Michael Liu

Liu said he's generally in favor of the concept, "but you have to run the numbers" to see what inclusionary zoning does to the overall market, whether it requires major rent increases on the market-rate units to subsidize the affordable units. 
     And if the "affordable" units are adjusted with higher rents to reduce the market-rate costs, then a poor person with a federal Section 8 voucher might not have enough money to pay for the apartment.
    One possible irony: Plater-Zyberk notes that the future of poor neighborhoods may change as sea levels rise. "One interesting thing is that the northwest section is the high ground, for the most part – so for the most part modest neighborhoods have the high ground."

Miami's Urban Design Revolution

    How Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk went from voices crying in the wilderness to being close to mainstream. Almost 30 years ago, I did a cover story on them for Tropic Magazine when their ideas seemed far-fetched and grandiose. Now they're reshaping Miami and many towns throughout the world. I revisit them in a cover story for Biscayne Times. Miami 21, the cities urban code, plus the Design District, even a new town for Mecca are part of their work. Their basic idea: Goodbye mall, hello Main Street. Get out of the car, stop carbon emissions, walk, take public transit. What's not to like? Full story available at Biscaynetimes.com